Nastiness Diagnosis. Anthropology. Religion. Gender. Justice. A Personal Notepad For the General Public.
THE IMAGE IN INDONESIA／在（台灣鮮為人知的）穆斯林社會大受歡迎的頭巾 PHOTO: a former pop star turned in Parliament Member
THE REALITY／在印尼常見的圖像 PHOTO: A friend Riedjalyev Moumazzeikovich Zyelov’s daughter
The STEREOTYPE／被美國主流媒體所刻劃的刻板印象 Excerpts from Chadors, Feminists, Terror: The Racial Politics of U.S. Media Representations of the 1979 Iranian Women’s Movement Authored By SYLVIA CHAN-MALIK Translated By NJ In this racial orientalist dialectic between global orientalism and American racism, the language and ideology of second-wave feminism in the United States have played, and continue to occupy, a crucial role in constructing a contemporary "discourse of the veil," pitting "feminism" against "Islam" on opposite ends of the orientalist divide. White American feminists took up the cause of the women of Iran en masse in 1979, staging protests against Khomeini, rallying against the veil, and ultimately viewing the events in Tehran as, in the words of Ms. magazine, "the beginning of a new unity . . . for international feminism" (Kelber 1979, 96). What was striking about the zeal and passion with which these feminists took up this "internationalist" cause is that it took place amid a maelstrom of criticism directed at them by black and third-world feminists in regard to "domestic" issues of racism, elitism, and cultural insensitivity–all crucial components to understanding the long and complex history of Islam in America. 在國際東方主義與美國種族主義之間產生的種族東方主義的辯證關係中，第二波女性主義的語言與意識形態在“伊斯蘭面紗的論述”以及樹立伊斯蘭與女性主義之間的敵意，扮演了重要的角色。女性主義者把在伊朗的女性社會運動解讀成女性的解放運動，剛剛好就在這些美國女性主義者受到黑人女性以及第三世界女性主義強烈批判，指責他們忽略種族歧視，精英主義與文化遲鈍—所有可以了解伊斯蘭長遠而複雜歷史的關鍵要素。 （ＮＪ：可以將之視為利用女性的社會運動來合理化第二波女性主義所遭受到的合法性危機） Thus, while the context of a global orientalist narrative as tied to the trajectory of Euro-American imperialism was, and is, certainly a crucial framework in understanding how those such as Mahmoody have constructed their images of a free United States versus a barbarous Islam, it is also important to understand that current conceptions of Islam and the Middle East emanating from the United States must be seen through a decidedly racialized orientalist lens–to be called racial orientalism here–in which transnational logics of orientalism and imperiality are also understood as always working in relation with domestic neocolonial legacies of white supremacy, anti-black racism, and anti-immigrant xenophobia. n4 Since that time, the plight of the Poor Muslim Woman has been taken up time and time again within the mainstream American publishing industry in a substantive corpus of literature documenting the abuse of women under Islam and Islamic terror (Brooks 1995; Goodwin 1994; Latifa 2003; Sasson 1992, 2001, 2004; Souad 2004). Concern for the Poor Muslim Woman’s fate has enabled political alliances [*117] between such unlikely bedfellows as the Feminist Majority and former first lady Laura Bush, and it was featured prominently in the post-9/11 speeches by former president George W. Bush and former deputy secretary of defense Paul Wolfowitz in their calls for the continuation of the American occupations of Afghanistan and Iraq (Hirschkind and Mahmood 2002). n5 Brooks, Geraldine. 1995. Nine parts of desire: The hidden world of Islamic women. New York, NY: Anchor Books. Goodwin, Jan. 1994. Price of honor: Muslim women lift the veil of silence on the Islamic world. New York, NY: Plume. Hirschkind, Charles, and Saba Mahmood. 2002. Feminism, the Taliban, and politics of counter-insurgency. Anthropological Quarterly 75 (2): 339-54. Latifa. 2003. My forbidden face: Growing up under the Taliban: A young woman’s story. New York, NY: Hyperion. Sasson, Jean. 1992. Princess: A true story of life behind the veil in Saudi Arabia. New York, NY: William Morrow. (伊朗革命後在美國的“可憐的穆斯林女性”論述大量被複製；冷戰時期就已經開始建立的對於她者的性別化歧視) n4 U.S. feminism’s roots in, as Louise Newman has written, "race-specific ideas about gender, citizenship, social development, and racial progress" and as a discourse "about the evolutionary advantages that accrued to white women because of their race, and a demand that power should be reconfigured in U.S. society to take account of this fact"–in other words, a project of securing "white women’s rights"–has often stripped mainstream white American feminist discourse of the nuance and insight necessary to understand that when one constantly focuses on the "oppression" of women of "other" cultures, nations, ethnicities, and races, it is generally at the expense of acknowledging and addressing the many layers of such "oppression" taking place at "home" (Newman 1999, 183). n5 Former President George W. Bush, in an editorial marking the one-year anniversary of the 9/11 attacks in the New York Times, named "respect for women" as a "nonnegotiable demand of human dignity" in the War on Terror and said "the oppression of women [is] everywhere and always wrong" (Bush 2002). In relation to the American occupation of Iraq, then-deputy secretary of defense Paul Wolfowitz wrote an op-ed piece for the Washington Post published on February 1, 2004, citing the advancement of women’s rights in the "new Iraq" as proof of American progress in the region, a symbol that U.S. efforts were "helping give birth to freedom in a country that was abused for more than three decades by a regime of murderers and torturers" (Wolfowitz 2004). To explore the racialized and gendered structure of this racial orientalist national narrative, this article proceeds in three parts. In the first section, I track the narrative’s construction in relation to the enemy of Islamic terror from the end of the 1970s and into the present by considering the nation that came to meet the women of Iran in March 1979. In an examination of the mainstream media coverage of the protests, both on television and in print, I investigate the discursive strategies by which the U.S. press constructed a distinctly American discourse of the veil by refracting the age-old orientalist narrative of the Poor Muslim Woman through liberal discourses of pluralism, gender equality, and what Mary Dudziak has called "cold war civil rights," in which racial progress was championed by the state to assert American superiority over the Soviet Union (Dudziak 2000). However, in this instance, the same "story that led ultimately to the conclusion that, in spite of it all, America was a great nation" was used to declare American superiority over Iran, the Ayatollah Khomeini, and Islam (Dudziak 2000, 46). Brooks, Geraldine. 1995. Nine parts of desire: The hidden world of Islamic women. New York, NY: Anchor Books.